U.S. withdrawal from the INF Treaty will bring multiple negative effects By Ling Shengli
The author is a professor at China Foreign Affairs University
The U.S. officially abandoned the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty on August 2. Although the Donald Trump administration announced the withdrawal last October, the substantial implications are becoming visible now that the announcement has gone into effect. The unilateral withdrawal from the treaty will have signifi cant effects on international strategic stability and cause wide-ranging harm to U.S.-Russia ties, regional security and global nuclear stability.
为了深化教育改革，全面推进素质教育，在义务数学教育方面，同样跟随新的历史进程，着眼国际范围对小学数学教育的观念、内容、方法、手段和评价体系等方面进行了深入的改革，制订了《全日制义务教育数学课程标准》。义务教育阶段的数学课程，其出发点是促进学生全面、持续、和谐地发展。要求既要考虑数学自身的特点，更应遵循学生学习数学的心理规律，强调从学生已有的生活经验出发，让学生亲身经历将实际问题抽象成数学模型并进行解释与应用的过程，进而使学生获得对数学理解的同时，在思维能力、情感态度与价值观等多方面得到进步和发展。因此，在教学过程中有效地进行数学教学就显得尤为重要。笔者仅从以下三个方面谈谈小学数学的有效教学：
Growing divergences
The INF Treaty, signed between the U.S. and the Soviet Union in December 1987, banned the two signatory countries from possessing, producing or conducting test flights of ground-launched cruise missiles and ballistic missiles with a range of 500-5,500 km.
The treaty was signed at the height of U.S.-Russia arms control and disarmament, once key to easing the arm race. After the Cold War, the treaty continued to be in force and significantly contributed to nuclear disarmament, easing global tensions and balancing the global nuclear strategy.
Withdrawing from the INF Treaty is another negative move of the U.S. that ignores its international commitment and pursues unilateralism. Its real intention is to make the treaty no longer binding on itself so that it can unilaterally seek military and strategic edge. After withdrawing from the treaty, if the U.S. resumes the research, development and deployment of intermediate-range missiles, it will severely undermine global strategic balance and stability, intensify tensions and distrust, disrupt the current process of international nuclear disarmament and multilateral arms control, and threaten peace and security of the relevant regions.
To maintain its hegemony, the U.S. repeatedly attempted to revise or ditch the treaty, as it limited the U.S. ability to deploy nuclear force in Asia-Pacific and other areas. For Russia, this treaty contributed to checking the increasing gap with the U.S. in strategic force.
Third, the U.S. is confi dent about its own nuclear force and believes Russia's counterbalance would be limited. During the Cold War, both the U.S. and the Soviet Union realized the limitations of their own nuclear force and dreaded the other's, which provided the basis for progress in arms control and disarmament. But the landscape has changed now. The U.S. has gained an upper hand in nuclear force over Russia, and the INF Treaty was more of a constraint to the U.S. than Russia. If the U.S., or even both countries return to an arms race, it would be benefi cial to U.S. interests.
However, 30 years after the birth of the treaty, divergences between the U.S. and Russia in implementing it gradually increased.
The INF, however, failed to effectively restrict the nuclear and missile development of the U.S. and Russia. This treaty banned all land-based missiles, but did not apply to air- or sea-based ones. Therefore, development of nuclear force by the U.S. and Russia was not fully limited. Their competition continued in some aspects.
First, the U.S. hoped to free itself from the treaty in order to develop a series of short- and medium-range nuclear missiles. To expand its nuclear power, the U.S. attempted to develop and own missiles with various ranges, which evidently ran counter to the INF Treaty. This is not the first time that the U.S. ditched treaties to expand its military force. As early as 2002, the U.S. abandoned the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty signed with the Soviet Union, followed by the accelerated development and deployment of the missile defense system.
Behind the withdrawal
Since Trump came to power in 2017, the U.S. Government has acted unilaterally and withdrawn from multiple international treaties, which in his view were not in the interest of his country, regardless of the harm to its reputation and international image. The INF Treaty was not an exception, although it was valuable for the global strategic balance. There are three strategic considerations behind Trump's move on the treaty.
虽然Charlie与Charles汉译一般为查理和查尔斯，但Charles却可以翻译为查理或查尔斯。前者为国王专属的译名，后者则是普通人名。英国王子Charles汉译为“查尔斯王子”，如果他即国王位，英文名字不变，汉译则会改称“查理国王”。
As time passed, such loopholes became more evident and the effectiveness of the INF Treaty declined. Based on their respective interests, the U.S. and Russia usually held different positions on the value of the treaty.
The already strained U.S.-Russia ties will become worse. After the Crimean crisis of 2014, these relations hit a low point and didn't improve after Trump came to power as he was trapped in the so-called Russiagate scandal.
Second, Trump placed huge emphasis on nuclear power in order to enhance the U.S. military strength. Compared with his predecessor Barack Obama's efforts to shape a world without nuclear force, the Trump administration not only increased national defense expenditure, but also emphasized the role of nuclear weapons. In the Nuclear Posture Review released in February 2018, the U.S. indicated it intended to diversify its arsenal, introduce two new types of nuclear weapons and enhance its nuclear deterrence. This trajectory means that any treaties restricting the nuclear force development of the U.S. will be regarded as stumbling blocks to be moved away, and the INF Treaty is not an exception.
The U.S. and Russia started to hold different attitudes toward the function of the INF Treaty as their geostrategic priorities changed. During the Cold War, the INF Treaty served as a tool mainly to reduce nuclear competition in Europe. After the Cold War, the U.S. increased its military activities in the Middle East and the Asia-Pacifi c region, while Russia still mainly focused on its neighboring areas.
A bitter pill
Now that the U.S. has formally withdrawn from the INF Treaty, its impact on international strategic stability cannot be ignored.
UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres warns the world will “lose an invaluable brake on nuclear war” with the expiration of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty at the UN headquarters in New York City on August 1
Withdrawal could not save the U.S. from international condemnation of treaty violations. Such a practice indicated that the U.S. treats international treaties as tools to achieve its self-interest and shows its lack of responsibility as a big power.
After the Cold War, the national strength of Russia substantially weakened. Due to a weak economy, Russia has put much emphasis on its military power, especially nuclear strength. Russian President Vladimir Putin on March 4 officially suspended Russia's participation in the INF Treaty after the U.S. ditched the deal. He warned that “if Russia obtains reliable information that the U.S. has finished developing these systems and started to produce them, Russia will have no option other than to engage in a full-scale effort to develop similar missiles.”
This tit-for-tat action will inevitably lead to the deterioration of U.S.-Russia relations. And the nuclear imbalance between the two countries will continue to grow.
1.4 统计学方法 采用GraphPad Prism version 6.0软件进行数据分析，计量资料服从正态分布以均数±标准差表示，多组间比较采用单因素方差分析，组间两两比较采用LSD-t法，P<0.05为差异有统计学意义。
Moreover, the withdrawal will impact regional security as security competition will intensify in the long run. After tearing up the INF Treaty, the U.S. will defi nitely enhance its military deployment in the Middle East and the Asia-Pacifi c region. Russia is set to react with counterbalancing measures, which will bring uncertainties to the security of European countries.
China's Opposition
试验台的测控系统中每一块采集卡的实例应该只有一个，否则，如果测控系统中存在多个独立的对象，则会造成采集设备的误操作和数据采集、设备管理的混乱，进而影响试验台的正常运行。因此，为了避免此类问题，采用单例模式是最佳的选择。
—Hua Chunying, spokesperson for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, on August 3
If the U.S. is to deploy new missiles in Asia, this would aggravate risks of strategic rivalry between China and the U.S. and put U.S. allies in Asia under greater pressure, resulting in a more complicated regional situation.
Recently, the U.S. repeatedly sent messages indicating future deployment of new missiles in Asia. The Chinese Government has clearly expressed its fi rm opposition.
食物进入口腔、食管、胃、十二指肠、小肠、大肠时，胃是主要的消化场所，把大分子物质（主要是糖与蛋白质）分解为小分子；十二指肠也是消化的场所，主要是消化脂类；小肠是最主要的吸收场所，大部分营养都在小肠吸收；大肠是贮存食物残渣的场所，同时吸收少量水分。经人工胃液、人工肠液消化后，发酵羊乳中抗氧化活性变化如表8所示。
舞蹈作品是由舞蹈动作组成舞句再连成舞段再由舞段衔接成一个舞蹈作品的这样一个过程，音乐是由音符组成小节再连成一句继续延伸到一段再衔接成一首曲子的这样一个过程，所以音乐与舞蹈的创编过程是相似的，音乐是由单个的音符、舞蹈是由单个的动作这样往后继续延续形成的一个作品，而且都是具有行进与推动性的，在时间值上也都具有变化，因此音乐与舞蹈都是具有节奏的这便是它们的基础与共性，也因此决定了音乐与舞蹈不可分割的艺术表演形式。
Sino-U.S. ties will deteriorate further if the U.S. strengthens counterbalancing against China in military areas, as bilateral ties have already hit a low due to trade friction. This will pose a grave challenge to the security of the Asia-Pacifi c region.
Lastly, the U.S. withdrawal would delay the process of global nuclear weapons control and disarmament. The disarmament drive hinges upon the self-restraint of the big powers and their honoring commitments. The unilateral attitude of the U.S. has set a bad example, which will enhance military competition and create more risks for future global security.
阿东太高兴了。如果能有母亲的声音，他的幻灯片就更加完美。但他不知磁带里会是什么声音，又担心阿里听到这声音会有什么反应，便对阿里说：“睡觉去。”
Copyedited by Madhusudan Chaubey
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