The author is an associate researcher with the Institute of European Studies under the China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations
In 2019, the European Union (EU) faced two hot issues. One was Brexit. The UK was originally scheduled to leave the EU on March 29 but after fresh negotiations,the date was postponed to October 31.
The other was the European Parliament election in May. Following the results, after a long bickering, a special summit on July 2 f inally decided on the people who will head key EU posts for the next f ive years.
The list of names comes after fierce bargaining among European leaders,especially by German Chancellor Angela Merkel and French President Emmanuel Macron. Nationality, the political background and gender were decisive factors.Ursula von der Leyen, Germany's first female defense minister, was nominated to succeed European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker. Charles Michel, Prime Minister of Belgium and a Liberal, will be the new EU Council president, stepping into Donald Tusk's shoes, while Josep Borrell, the 72-year-old Spanish foreign minister, will be the EU's foreign affairs chief. International Monetary Fund (IMF)President Christine Lagarde has been nominated as the head of the European Central Bank (ECB).
A careful reading of the last-minute list, a surprise to many, will reveal several trends in European politics.
Except for a handful of far-right parties,such as the Dutch Party for Freedom and the Alternative für Deutschland, most farright parties are no longer campaigning to exit the EU or the euro. Rather, they would like to stay and change from within. As Matteo Salvini, the leader of Italy's far-right League, puts it, they would like to build a“Europe of nations.”
Shift in power
Belgian Prime Minister and President-elect of the European Council Charles Michel attends a press conference after a special summit of the European Council in Brussels, Belgium, on July 2
The election saw the death of the process of Spitzenkandidat, the lead candidate of a party. In the 2014 election, the European Parliament had proposed that to boost democracy in the EU, the candidate from the largest political group in the house should be president of the European Commission.Thus Juncker, the Spitzenkandidat of the European People's Party (EPP), the largest party group, got the coveted post.
The last two years saw populists and euroskeptics making forays in some countries. The European Parliament election is regarded by many as the first EU-wide showdown between pro-EU liberals and anti-EU nationalists.
“不错。一开始我只是把他当作棋子，故意把照片泄露给他。只是，我没有想到他乘虚而入，骗得雪萤同他结婚。我当然不会坐视不管，就收买那个看守公厕的老头儿，让他诬陷夏冰，并让你来推波助澜。这样，我就可以一箭双雕。”范坚强把手里剩下的几颗鱼饲料投到鱼缸里，抽出一张湿巾纸擦手。
It is said that in 2014, 76 percent of EU citizens lived in countries led by parties belonging to one or the other of the two big families. Now the proportion is just 38 percent. As a result, there will be no easy majorities in the new European Parliament.The grilling bargaining and the dramatic outcome of the jobs carve-up bode harder years for the EU's consensus politics. Conditional coalitions will become the new norm.
Swayed by the fierce political debates on the campaign trail, more than half of European voters cast their votes,reversing the low turnout trend since the f irst election in 1979. The biggest surprise of the election was the resurgence of the liberals and Greens, most of whom are from the pro-EU camp. Although the farright populists took around one fifth of the votes, they were less impressive than predicted.
Margrethe Vestager, European Commissioner for Competition, called the election a “landmark” and “a signal for change,” implying the EPP and the second largest group, the Socialists, can no longer dominate EU affairs.
Macron has been especially critical of the Spitzenkandidat process since it puts his newly formed La République En Marche (En Marche) party at a disadvantage. Though Macron's party got less votes than the French far-right party National Rally (until June 2018 known as the National Front), his group in the European Parliament, Renew Europe, emerged as the third largest group, increasing his leverage.
Surviving populism
But this time, when the EPP proposed Manfred Weber, a German politician, as its Spitzenkandidat, Weber failed to get support from major European states. One reason was that the EPP, which won 212 seats in 2014, secured only 182 this time.
The European Parliament holds a plenary session at its headquarters in Strasbourg, France, on July 16, during which Ursula von der Leyen was elected as European Commission president
十八大以来，通过全面从严治党，已经形成反腐败压倒性态势，但取得反腐败压倒性胜利的任务依然艰巨复杂；不敢腐的治标效果得到了初步实现，但不能腐的制度制约和不想腐的治本之策依然尚未形成。基于已有的治党成效和党面临的现实状况，党中央提出了“推动全面从严治党向纵深发展”这一论断，具有科学理论指导性和强烈现实针对性，对于实现新时代党的历史使命、解决党内突出矛盾和深层次问题、有效应对“四大考验”与“四大危险”具有重要意义。
第一，优化监督制度。均衡配置自上而下、平行监督、自下而上的三重监督权力，破除信息不对称的固有障碍，降低政府机会主义的主观愿望。
Von der Leyen is a staunch European federalist who favors a European army in the long term. Michel comes from traditionally pro-EU Belgium and Borrell is an old hand at European affairs. Prior to taking up the EU foreign policy chief post, he stood out by leading EU diplomacy on the Venezuela crisis. Lagarde has been deeply involved in resolving the euro crisis as IMF president and her stand on f iscal discipline has won her fans in Germany. The new EU leadership appears to be resistant to the euroskeptic surge.
The countries that are governed by populist parties, such as Italy, Austria,Poland and Hungary, did not have much impact on the job summit. Instead, Macron,a fervent advocate for a “Renaissance Europe,” is regarded as the only unmitigated winner and the list of nominees is clearly a pro-EU one.
Integration on the cards?
The clout of big member states, especially Germany and France, can be clearly felt. The most important post, that of the European Commission president, has gone to Germany. Merkel secured the job for her defense minister, the only one to have served in all four governments of Merkel.The post of the ECB president has gone to France. And all the four new nominees are f luent French speakers.
Spain also reaps benefit as the UK leaves and Italy falls into the hands of populists. A long-time reactive player in European integration, the Spanish Government has learned in recent years that only more influence at the EU level can help it deal with the secessionist movement in its northeastern community of Catalonia. Spanish Prime Minster Pedro Sánchez has doubled his investment in the EU. His top officials are strong pro-Europeans who understand how the EU works.And now, the Spanish foreign minister has been nominated as the EU foreign affairs chief.
若再考虑时间跨度，我们以文献数量与时间跨度之比来说明问题，则显得更为直观与合理。宋至明中叶跨度六百余年，总计30部左右。其中宋代近320年，十余部(彭忠德言“12种”)；元代近百年，共7部；明中前期190年左右，十余部；晚明跨度八十余年[注]③本文所言“晚明”，指嘉靖三十九年(1560)至崇祯十七年(1644)，计84年。，三十余部。据此笔者统计，晚明时期官箴书的“生产”速度约为：宋至明中叶平均速度的6.5倍、宋代的8.5倍、元代的4.5倍、明中前期的5.5倍。当然，这些具体数字绝非科学与客观，在此只是为了更加直观地表明，晚明官箴书的数量发生了骤增。
It remains to be seen in the next few years how the important European countries seize the opportunity to promote European integration. For example,whether Macron can set up an EU-wide conference on the reform of the EU by the end of the year, as he has sought to in his open letter to the “citizens of Europe” in March. ■
目前美国、欧盟、加拿大、中国等国家针对手性药物都颁布了相应地指导原则，但不同国家对于手性药物以及开发单一异构体药物的监管要求存在差异［16，23‐24］。下面就具有代表性的几个国家颁布的指导原则进行总结和比较。
Copyedited by Sudeshna Sarkar
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